"I am vice president," wrote John Adams, the first to inhabit the office. "In this I am nothing. But I may be everything." In January 1961, as Lyndon Johnson left the Senate for the vice presidency, his future held the dim but tantalizing promise of the presidency, of "everything." But in the meantime LBJ would not resign himself to nothingness. It was not his nature. Throughout his life Johnson had assumed positions with no inherent power base and infused them with irrepressible energy, drive, and ambition: as assistant to President Cecil E. Evans of Southwest Texas State Teachers' College, as speaker of the "Little Congress" of staff members in the 1940s, and as party whip and leader in the 1950s, power seemed to flow to him and issue from him naturally. In Johnson's political ascent, power was the constant; public offices were quantities to be stretched, exploited for public and personal gain, and, ultimately, discarded along the climb. If this was arrogance, it was well grounded. Lyndon Johnson was never nothing; and if the vice presidency meant little today, that could not be the case for long. The press accepted Johnson's bold claim with little skepticism. On the eve of the inauguration, U.S. News & World Report exclaimed that "the vice presidency is to become a center of activity and power unseen in the past." The magazine foresaw "important assignments" for LBJ in foreign affairs, especially in the explosive Cuban situation. Undoubtedly, President Kennedy would rely heavily upon the negotiating skills of his brilliant second, Lyndon Johnson, "a new kind of vice president." And LBJ, surely, would demand no less. "The restless and able Mr. Johnson is obviously unwilling to become a ceremonial nonentity," Tom Wicker rightly predicted in the New York Times. Johnson's former Senate colleagues agreed, assuring reporters that LBJ "will be very important in the new Administration--and much utilized." Headlines heralded Washington's new "Number 2 Man."