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| Link | Quote | Stars | Tags | Author |
| de4f447 | What Rousseau asserts, and what becomes foundational in world politics in the subsequent centuries, is that a thing called society exists outside the individual, a mass of rules, relationships, injunctions, and customs that is itself the chief obstacle to the realization of human potential, and hence of human happiness. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 661d91b | the Islamicization of radicalism--that is, a process that draws from the same alienation that drove earlier generations of extremists, whether nationalists such as Paul de Lagarde or Communists such as Leon Trotsky. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 69ff339 | Lant Pritchett, Michael Woolcock, and Matt Andrews have argued that one of the big problems with developing countries' governments is that they engage in what they term "isomorphic mimicry," that is, copying the outward forms of developed countries' governments, while being unable to reproduce the kinds of outputs, like education and health, that the latter achieve." | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 8f36692 | On the right, plenty of new white nationalist voices would like to drag the country backward to an identity once again based on race, ethnicity, or religion. It is urgent that | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 47f4cac | On the left, identity politics has sought to undermine the legitimacy of the American national story by emphasizing victimization, insinuating in some cases that racism, gender discrimination, and other forms of systematic exclusion are somehow intrinsic to the country's DNA. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 847d033 | To deceive the state, strangers, or even associates is accepted, and often applauded as evidence of cleverness. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 62e7b82 | On the other hand, countries that democratized early, before they established modern administrations, found themselves developing clientelistic public sectors. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 4822d31 | War, as we saw in Volume 1, creates incentives for efficient, meritocratic government that ordinary economic activity does not and therefore is one important path to state modernity. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 025930b | Thymos is the part of the soul that craves recognition of dignity; isothymia is the demand to be respected on an equal basis with other people; while megalothymia is the desire to be recognized as superior. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| e0c1e50 | The left has focused less on broad economic equality and more on promoting the interests of a wide variety of groups perceived as being marginalized--blacks, immigrants, women, Hispanics, the LGBT community, refugees, and the like. The right, meanwhile, is redefining itself as patriots who seek to protect traditional national identity, an identity that is often explicitly connected to race, ethnicity, or religion. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 0e44e4e | Many of the failures attributed to democracy are in fact failures of state administrations that are unable to deliver on the promises made by newly elected democratic politicians to voters who want not just their political rights but good government as well. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| e3b7768 | This might be called the politics of resentment. In a wide variety of cases, a political leader has mobilized followers around the perception that the group's dignity had been affronted, disparaged, or otherwise disregarded. This resentment engenders demands for public recognition of the dignity of the group in question. A humiliated group seeking restitution of its dignity carries far more emotional weight than people simply pursuing their.. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| d7e6c51 | Greece thus became one of Europe's first electoral democracies, preceding Britain by a full generation. As in the United States, democracy was established before an indigenous modern state could be created. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| dde97a3 | While classical liberalism sought to protect the autonomy of equal individuals, the new ideology of multiculturalism promoted equal respect for cultures, even if those cultures abridged the autonomy of the individuals who participated in them. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 388bec2 | The psychological dislocation engendered by the transition from Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft laid the basis for an ideology of nationalism based on an intense nostalgia for an imagined past of strong community in which the divisions and confusions of a pluralist modern society did not exist. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 49fd390 | Marxists basically like to think that the spirit of history or human consciousness made a terrible boob. The awakening message was intended for classes, but by some terrible postal error was delivered to nations. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| ae54f4c | it diverts attention from older and larger groups whose serious problems have been ignored. A significant part of the white American working class has been dragged into an underclass, comparable to the experience of African-Americans during the 1970s and '80s. Yet one has heard little concern from activists on the left, at least until recently, about the burgeoning opioid crisis, or the fate of children growing up in impoverished single-par.. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 2352fb1 | The traditional Christian understanding of the inner self saw it as the site of original sin: we are full of evil desires that lead us to contravene God's law; external social rules, set by the Universal Church, lead us to suppress these desires. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 27daa30 | The politics of recognition and dignity had reached a fork by the early nineteenth century. One fork led to the universal recognition of individual rights, and thence to liberal societies that sought to provide citizens with an ever-expanding scope of individual autonomy. The other fork led to assertions of collective identity, of which the two major manifestations were nationalism and politicized religion. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| ab7fdf7 | But the impact of national identity on state strength is not limited to its coercive power. Much of what passes for corruption is not simply a matter of greed but rather the by-product of legislators or public officials who feel more obligated to family, tribe, region, or ethnic group than to the national community and therefore divert money in that direction. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 1632c91 | Clientelism is an efficient form of political mobilization in societies with low levels of income and education, and is therefore best understood as an early form of democracy. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 0ae6e14 | The principle of effective government is meritocracy; the principle of democracy is popular participation. These two principles can be made to work together, but there is always an underlying tension between them. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 26016e4 | This means that there is no "End of History," as Francis Fukuyama claimed at the end of the Cold War, but it also means that the dialectic always labors in the service of Logos, which is to say, in the service of God's providence. No matter how messy their activity seems, the mills of history always grind out the truth. History is dialectical, but it is also teleological;" | E. Michael Jones | ||
| c706937 | Americans can be proud of this very substantive identity; it is based on belief in the common political principles of constitutionalism, the rule of law, democratic accountability, and the principle that "all men are created equal" (now interpreted to include all women). These political ideas come directly out of the Enlightenment and are the only possible basis for unifying a modern liberal democracy that has become de facto multicultural" | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 1cad8e5 | The type of identity politics increasingly practiced on both the left and the right is deeply problematic because it returns to understandings of identity based on fixed characteristics such as race, ethnicity, and religion, which had earlier been defeated at great cost. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| fd393f6 | diversity cannot be the basis for identity in and of itself; it is like saying that our identity is to have no identity; or rather, that we should get used to our having nothing in common and emphasize our narrow ethnic or racial identities instead. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 5b5fa10 | The political philosopher Francis Fukuyama captured the spirit of the time best in his 1989 essay "The End of History." | Neil Strauss | ||
| 2cc105c | The shift in agendas of both left and right toward the protection of ever narrower group identities ultimately threatens the possibility of communication and collective action. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 7fb3d05 | The remedy is to define larger and more integrative national identities that take account of the de facto diversity of existing liberal democratic societies. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| b35b54c | Many modern democratic constitutions thus enshrine the principle of equal dignity. They are drawing on the Christian tradition that sees dignity rooted in human moral agency. But that agency is no longer seen in a religious sense, as the ability to accept God; rather, it is the ability to share in the exercise of power as a member of a democratic political community. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 4c1e42d | Fin de siecle Vienna was a melting pot that had produced Gustav Mahler, Hugo von Hofmannsthal, and Sigmund Freud. But when the empire's narrower national identities--Serbs, Bulgarians, Czechs, and Austro-Germans--asserted themselves, the region descended into a paroxysm of violence and intolerance. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 19a0728 | The problem, however, was not with the idea of national identity itself; the problem was the narrow, ethnically based, intolerant, aggressive, and deeply illiberal form that national identity took. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| cc4bc83 | But the simple availability of information about corruption tends not to produce genuine accountability because the politically active part of the population are members of clientelistic networks. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| b751bf7 | Christian freedom was an inner condition of the spirit, and not an external condition of the body. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| ca272ba | This is the meaning of state autonomy: a government that is responsive to interest groups but not owned by them, that is not too easily swayed by the short-term vagaries of democratic public opinion but rather looks to long-term public interest. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| dd5f612 | At the time of the ratification of the U.S. Constitution in 1788, only white males with property had full political rights; the circle of rights bearers gradually expanded to include white men without property, African-Americans, indigenous people, and women. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 87fba24 | Successful state building is dependent, therefore, on the prior existence of a sense of national identity that serves as a locus of loyalty to the state itself, rather than to the social groups underlying it. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 58ac947 | As some observers pointed out at the time, the stability of modern Western Europe was built on ethnic cleansings that had taken place in earlier historical periods, which modern Europeans had conveniently | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 9e6f751 | Latin America has been characterized by a "birth defect" of inequality from which it has not yet recovered." | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| a3eb334 | The proponents of identity politics on the left would argue that assertions of identity on the right are illegitimate and cannot be placed on the same moral plane as those of minorities, women, and other marginalized groups. Rather, they reflect the perspectives of a dominant mainstream culture that has been historically privileged and continues to be so. These arguments have obvious truth. Perceptions on the part of conservatives of advant.. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 5bbb4b5 | people. The great debate between capitalism and socialism, the debate that so many (Francis Fukuyama, Robert L. Heilbroner, and others) had declared finally resolved in capitalism's favor by the 1990s, turns out to have been a debate between private and state capitalism. Within actually existing socialist states there have been greater and lesser movements back toward private capitalism over the last half-century. Many social reforms achiev.. | Richard D. Wolff | ||
| a72a454 | no man is a good judge in his own case. | Francis Fukuyama | ||
| 95c1cd6 | The men and women of the Golden Age, Hesiod wrote, lived in an eternal spring, for hundreds of years, always youthful, fed on acorns from a great oak, on wild fruits, on honey. In the Silver Age, which is less written about, the people lived for 100 years as children, without growing up, and then quite suddenly aged and died. The Fabians and the social scientists, writers and teachers saw, in a way earlier generations had not, that children.. | childhood freud golden-age hesiod infantile nostalgia prehistory silver-age victorians | A.S. Byatt | |
| 84abd38 | Val was eating cornflakes. She ate very little else, at home. They were light, they were pleasant, they were comforting, and then after a day or two they were like cotton wool. | cornflakes repetition | A.S. Byatt |